Bush will authorise this month the State assassination of Hugo Chávez

By Heinz Dieterich. Translated from Spanish by Ron Ridenour

ct 4, 2006, 14:14

http://www.axisoflogic.com/artman/publish/printer_23158.shtml

1. The price of his anti-diabolical discourse

Hugo Chávez’s United Nations speech was the culmination of magisterial international vanguard politics, which converted George Bush into the pariah of the worldwide institution. The price for this successful spectacle –which can not be understood without the proverbial audacity of Commander-in-Chief Fidel Castro– is the authorisation of State assassination by the White House.

2. Strategic change: the institutional entanglement of political assassination

The fascist government-in-formation will not use as its legal basis for the assassination the customary verbal formula applied by United States executives for such ends –“get rid of him”– rather, it will use the terminology, “Top secret presidential finding”.

Most probably it will use proxies; for example, death squads of the Israeli secret services, which habitually assassinate citizen “enemies” in other countries.

The decision of State assassination [of the president of Venezuela] constitutes a change in White House strategy, employed since 2003, which opted for a political war of annexation by wearing out, in order to impose upon the system the replacement of the president by the right-wing of the New Political Class (NPC). This strategy aspires to gradually capitalise upon the internal weaknesses of the revolution and avoid a civil war in Venezuela, which will inevitably be unleashed with the assassination of the popular president.

Not to repeat the consequences of the State assassination of the Colombian President Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, has been the slogan of the White House since the defeat of the 2002-3 oil coup d’état in Venezuela. Nevertheless, the incessant Latin American and worldwide diplomatic offensive of Hugo Chávez –which not only threatens the Monroe Doctrine but also “Manifest Destiny”, which has ruled for two centuries– has reached the point of no return. Chávez’s offensive is the equivalent of the decree of Bolívar’s “war to the death” against the Spanish empire 193 years ago.

3. How to achieve the assassination and avoid popular resistance

The change of US strategy –from containment policy towards Cuba and Venezuela, while breaking the weakest link of the chain, Bolivia– towards State assassination has to resolve the danger of social explosion. The White House calculation is to avoid a long civil war by making it appear that the assassination would be a natural death or an accident. The successful poisoning of Palestinian President Yasser Arafat is the model to emulate.

In September 2003, the Israeli security cabinet publicly declared its intention to assassinate Arafat. The then Vice-Premier Minister Ehud Olmert generated a public debate regarding this project by considering this method “legitimate”.

“The question is, by which manner do we put an end to Arafat,” said the Israeli State’s number two man. “Expulsion is one option; assassination is another possibility.” Israel’s problem in applying the option of the elimination of Arafat consisted of the dilemma, “(it) is not a moral matter, rather to know if it is practical or not.”

Following that successful operation would the fascist presidents Ehud Olmert and George Bush doubt for one second that the “removal…of the obstacle to peace” is extremely “practical” and “legitimate”? That is to say, that Hugo Chávez is a peaceful oil rich and third world leader [and thus an “obstacle”, translator’s note].

4. Hugo Chávez’s great offensive has discovered his dangerous rear guard

With all the audacity and success of the Venezuelan president’s offensive one is reminded of the great offensive of Napoleon against Moscow. Napoleon only looked forward, dreaming of a decisive lightning war. He failed to construct a rear guard capable of detaining an eventual Russian counter-offensive. When such occurred, he was completely destroyed.

The dangerous dispersion of the Bolivarian forces in Venezuela presents a similar scenario. The Bolivarian union movement is divided into, at least, four major currents. Official Bolivarian political forces rest on three major parties. The peasants have, at least, two major groupings. The popular sector is not organised into an integral national structure, such as, for example, in Cuba. The consolidation of the Bolivarian project in the armed forces requires, at least, two to three more years. The Bolivarian means of communication are insufficiently efficient. Many strategic State ministries are inefficient; partly so because in the last three years there have been six changes of ministers and vice-ministers, making quality State management impossible.

The quantitative dispersion of the Bolivarian forces offends, because many have the habit of using factious power plays, which converts the revolution and the party into second place. Hugo Chávez wants to remedy this poor political practice by forming one united political party next year. Minister William Lara hopes to convert Channel 8 into a 24-hour news service like CNN. Who knows if they will succeed, because until now the State has not had the capacity to develop a system to detect revolutionaries to control the media and the vanguard, which is required for the future process.

A frontal confrontation with the most potent world power and its European Union accomplices, in these conditions, will only be victorious if they have the talent and the luck of Alexander the Great. Or if they extend the spirit, the work and the vanguard management capacity not only on the visible front but also in the Achilles Heel of the revolution.

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Heinz Dieterich Steffan is a German political analyst, living in Mexico. Well known for his apologetics, he collaborates with revolutionary media and adds his voice as a regular columnist to Axis of Logic. He is also a consultant to Venezuelan President, Hugo Chávez Frìas.

The US-born anti-imperialist writer Ron Ridenour is a member of Tlaxcala, the network of translators for linguistic diversity. He lives exiled in Denmark and is the author of “Backfire: The CIA’s Biggest Burn”, “Yankee Sandinistas”, “Cuba at the Crossroads”, “Kuba: ein `Yankee´ Berichtet”; “Cuba: Beyond the Crossroads”. He is also co-author of additional books.